[Ohio UZO News] Ukraine: FT (page 1); KP; EDM; WP (lead editorial)

[Deychak, Orest]

Financial Times

http://www.ft.com/

West tells Moscow to keep out of Ukraine

By Stefan Wagstyl and James Blitz in London and Roman,Olearchyk in Kiev 

Published: August 28 2008 

 

Page 1

Britain led a chorus of support for Ukraine yesterday as western fears
rose of possible Russian attempts to build on its victory in Georgia by
threatening neighbouring states.

Speaking during a visit to Kiev, foreign secretary David Miliband called
on the European Union and Nato to prepare for "hard-headed engagement"
with Moscow following its military action in Georgia.

"Russia must not learn the wrong lessons from the Georgia crisis. There
can be no going back on fundamental principles of territorial integrity,
democratic governance and international law," he said.

Mr Miliband's remarks coincided with warnings from Bernard Kouchner,
French foreign minister, and Carl Bildt, Swedish foreign minister.

In an unprecedented step, the foreign ministers of the G7 group of
industrialised countries also yesterday issued a joint statement to
condemn "Russia's excessive use of military force in Georgia and its
continued occupation of parts" of the country.

The warnings came after Moscow this week recognised the independence of
the breakaway Georgian territories of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in the
first effort to redraw international borders in the former Soviet Union
since its 1991 collapse.

Mr Kouchner warned that the situation was "very dangerous" because
Russia might now be considering other targets such as the divided state
of Moldova and Ukraine, with its strategically important Crimean
peninsula.

The comments came as the EU prepared for an emergency Georgia summit on
Monday.

The US welcomed Mr Miliband's remarks but there was no immediate
response from Moscow, which adopted a conciliatory tone urging the west
not to damage broad mutual ties. Dmitry Medvedev, Russian president, was
in Tajikistan, at a summit of central Asian states including China,
seeking support for his actions in Georgia.

Mr Bildt, in a Financial Times interview, criticised Russia as "a 19th
century power".

Meanwhile, Viktor Yushchenko, Ukraine's pro-west president, highlighted
the potential for conflict by questioning the agreement under which
Russia uses the Ukrainian port of Sevastopol, in Crimea, for its Black
Sea fleet. He said Russia's actions were "a threat to everyone, not just
for one country".

His remarks were echoed by Mikheil Saakashvili, Georgian president. In
today's Financial Times, Mr -Saakashvili writes: "This story is no
longer about my small country, but the west's ability to stand its
ground to defend a principled approach to international security."

Meanwhile, the US avoided a potential clash with Russia by diverting a
navy ship carrying aid to the Georgian-controlled Batumi instead of the
Moscow-controlled Georgian port of Poti.

Kyiv Post

www.kyivpost.com <http://www.kyivpost.com> 

Editorial


Fragile independence


by Editorial , Kyiv Post
Aug 27 2008

The country is quickly losing the opportunity to develop into a stable,
prosperous nation due to internal squabbles that leave it vulnerable and
shaky

Looking back at the last 17 years, Ukraine has come a long way since
declaring independence in 1991 from a collapsing and oppressive Soviet
Union. Yet the country's persistently feuding leaders have failed to
capitalize on key and achievable results that would have make Ukraine's
independence less fragile today. Infighting has delayed progress. The
leaders could have better spent this time ensuring growth, energy and
defense security, less corruption, and the rebuilding of educational and
medical systems on the verge of collapse.

Thanks largely to market-driven, supply-demand economic forces, Ukraine
put years of economic stagnation behind, replacing it with more than
seven years of steady growth. True, much of this new wealth is
monopolized by corrupt businessmen and politicians and has yet to spread
to a budding middle class. When it does, Ukraine's economic gains will
strengthen the country more than any inspiring leader.

Ukraine's upside is huge. The country's potential was demonstrated this
summer with a respectable showing in the Olympic Games, where the team
placed 10th overall, besting prominent and powerful nations.

Kyiv has made major democratic leaps. It has also managed to avoid
ethnic and military conflicts that have plagued most other ex-Soviet
states.

But as recent events in Georgia show, threats remain higher than ever to
statehood, the nation's borders and its success as a beacon of democracy
in post-Soviet space. And the threats all stem from a preying northern
neighbor, Russia. 

Recent polls of Ukrainians conducted indicate that the majority of
Ukrainians recognize these threats, starting with the simmering
separatism in Crimea backed by Moscow. But they are heavily divided as
to what solutions to support, be it early withdrawal of Russia's Black
Sea Fleet stationed on the peninsula, a cool-headed wait-and-see
approach, or speedy NATO membership.

Democracies thrive on pluralism, but the splits in Ukraine on such a
strategic issue are the result of confusion and orchestrated disarray.
Divided, Ukraine is easy prey for Russia and its traditional "divide and
conquer tactics" so successfully implemented through separatists
enclaves in Georgia.

It is no surprise Ukrainians are so divided. Ukraine's feuding leaders
have failed to learn the lessons of history. Personal rivalries have
defeated attempts to solidify Ukrainian independence. Take, for example,
the history of the Cossack Hetmans, whose divisions left the country
weak and vulnerable to predatory neighbors.

The Georgia conflict with Russia provided a time to unify. Instead,
Ukraine's president, prime minister and leading oppositionists pointed
fingers at each other seeking to polarize the populace. President Victor
Yushchenko's administration went so far as to accuse Premier Yulia
Tymoshenko of being soft on Georgia due to a putative secret pact with
the Kremlin. The response from Tymoshenko's camp was denial, and a
pledge to refrain from scoring points "on the blood of Georgian
soldiers." The Moscow-friendly Victor Yanukovych, meanwhile, stood on
the sidelines flaring up pro-Russian sentiment in eastern Ukraine and
taking sides with the Kremlin against Georgia, Ukraine's pro-Western
ally.

It is hard to decipher what is in Tymoshenko's mind, due to her superb
acting. But her diehard presidential ambitions are clear, as are her
attempts to clean up Ukraine's corrupt energy sector and free it of
Russian tentacles.

We did expect more, however, from the democratically elected Yushchenko.
His administration has sparked many of the divisive attacks on his
former ally Tymoshenko. The move could plunge Ukraine into chaos and
break apart its pro-Western coalition. The charge against Tymoshenko is
that she sacrificed national interests in return for Kremlin support of
her expected presidential candidacy in 2010. Yet, strangely, while his
deputies make accusations of treason, Yushchenko has remained silent.
His administration claims to have handed evidence of wrongdoing to the
secret service and prosecutors. Yet Yushchenko, during Independence Day
celebrations on Aug. 24, called for politicians to unite and end
infighting.

Until we see evidence, we agree with recent polls that suggest the
president's camp is using such accusations against Tymoshenko to boost
his scant chances against her in the presidential elections. 

Unless reliable evidence comes forth, we urge Yushchenko to muzzle his
assistants and put his own ambitions aside. He should unify Ukraine
behind the principles and goals that his Orange Revolution candidacy
represented. Only this will make Ukraine's independence less fragile and
produce a united leadership able to meet deep challenges ahead.

Eurasia Daily Monitor

August 28, 2008

UKRAINE DIVIDED ON RUSSIAN RECOGNITION OF SOUTH OSSETIA

The official Ukrainian response to Russia's recognition of the
independence of Georgia's two breakaway provinces, South Ossetia and
Abkhazia, on August 25, 2008, was not unexpected. The Ukrainian foreign
ministry issued a statement on August 26 which noted: "The declaration
by the Russian parliament is viewed by Ukraine as a particularly
dangerous precedent which will sharply destabilize the security
situation in the Caucasus region and throughout the entire post-Soviet
space and will have a negative impact on the peaceful solution to
inter-ethnic conflicts throughout the world" (Ukrayinska Pravda, August
26, 2008).

Later in the day, the Ukrainian foreign ministry announced that it was
cancelling a visit to Moscow by a delegation scheduled to hold talks
with their Russian counterparts. The reason given for the cancellation
by the ministry spokesman was that it was a protest against the Russian
recognition of the independence of the two Georgian regions.

Joining in the condemnation of Russia's decision, the Deputy Prime
Minister and a ranking member of the Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko's
political bloc, BYuT, Hryhoriy Nemirya, issued a statement saying:
"Ukraine supported and continues to support the sovereignty and
territorial integrity of Georgia. This position remains a matter of
principle and will not be changed" (UNIAN press service August 26,
2008).

The opposition, however, did not endorse the government's and the
president's line, and instead stuck to its well-known position of
supporting the Russian nationalist position, albeit clocking it with
references to western "duplicity" in recognizing Kosovo independence.

Viktor Yanukovych, the leader of the opposition Party of the Regions,
remained loyal to Moscow and urged the Ukrainian government to follow
Moscow's lead: "We must act without any double standards -- we must do
what the West did when Kosovo declared independence. I believe that
Ukraine should accept the expressed will of the nations of South Ossetia
and Abkhazia and recognize their independence" (Ukrayinska Pravda,
August 26, 2008).

"The recognition of South Ossetian and Abkhaz independence by the
Russian Federation is the logical continuation of a process which began
when western states recognized the independence of Kosovo," Yanukovych
added.

The parliamentary faction of the Communist Party of Ukraine meanwhile
submitted a resolution to impeach Yushchenko for his support of
"Georgian aggression against South Ossetia," Korrespondent.net reported
on August 26. The political bloc of Yuriy Lytvyn, which was critical of
Viktor Yushchenko's support of Georgia during the war, had not taken a
position on this issue as of August 27, but some observers in Kyiv
suspect they might also demand that Ukraine recognize the breakaway
regions.

South Ossetia thus far has not demanded to join North Ossetia, a part of
the Russian Federation, nor has Abkhazia asked to become a member of the
Russian Federation. And while this might well be the next move by the
governments of the two regions, moves which could be encouraged and
supported by the Russian government, it remains unclear how far Moscow
is willing to go without provoking a rebellion in the Crimea which might
go beyond Moscow's wishes and control and make demands on the Ukrainian
government which might be counter-productive to the Kremlin's goals.

Ukrainian fears of a Crimean "independence uprising," funded and
encouraged by Russian political leaders and security forces, have been
foremost on the minds of Kyiv since the Georgian war. However, a key
difference between the Crimea and either South Ossetia or Abkhazia is
that the only indigenous ethnic group in the Crimea is the Crimean
Tartars who have remained fiercely loyal to Kyiv since the country
gained independence.

The Gazeta.ru website reported on August 26 that Russian foreign
minister Sergey Lavrov stated that the leaders of Abkhazia and South
Ossetia had not indicated that they wanted to be integrated into Russia.
"I do not think that this topic will be raised," Lavrov was quoted as
saying. Earlier that day western media reported that Georgian President
Mikhael Saakashvili charged Russia with having "annexed South Ossetia
and Abkhazia."

How far Ukrainian President Yushchenko is willing to venture in his
pro-Georgian policies remains a matter for speculation. His options are
severely limited and the deadline for setting the new price for Russian
gas is rapidly approaching. What many in Kyiv fear is that NATO will not
grant Ukraine a Membership Action Plan in November and that meaningful
security guarantees for Ukraine will not be signed anytime in the near
future.

Faced with a nation split on the Georgian issue and NATO membership, and
at the same time fearful of Russia's ability to place a stranglehold on
the country by doubling or tripling gas prices, the divided Ukrainian
leadership once again appears isolated and threatened. How it will
counter these centrifugal forces is anyone's guess.
 

--Roman Kupchinsky


The Washington Post
Editorial 

Russia's Delusion; A flurry of presidential statements on Georgia mix
lies with a dangerous new doctrine.

 

28 August 2008

FINAL

A18

 

IN TIME WITH Russia's unilateral recognition of the independence of the
two Georgian provinces it invaded this month, President Dmitry Medvedev
issued a statement, penned an op-ed and granted an unusual flurry of
interviews. His intent was to justify Moscow's latest provocation of the
West, which has been united in condemnation -- as was demonstrated
yesterday by a statement by the Group of Seven industrial nations.
Instead Mr. Medvedev merely revealed the dangerously arrogant and
reckless mood that seems to have overtaken the Kremlin in recent weeks.

What's striking, first of all, is the spectacle of a leading head of
state making statements that not only are lies but that are easily shown
to be such. Over and over, Mr. Medvedev told interviewers that Georgian
forces were guilty of "genocide" in South Ossetia. Yet by the count of
an official Russian commission, the Ossetian dead numbered 133. In
contrast, independent human rights groups have reported that Georgian
villages both in and outside Ossetia have been subject to a violent
ethnic cleansing campaign, and that thousands of civilians have been
killed or driven from their homes by the Russian military offensive.

Mr. Medvedev flatly asserted that Russia had not violated the cease-fire
deal he signed two weeks ago. But that agreement contains a provision
calling for international talks about the status of South Ossetia and
Abkhazia -- and those talks had not begun when Mr. Medvedev abruptly
issued the decree recognizing the provinces' independence. The president
insisted that Russian troops had withdrawn from Georgia and were not
blockading the port of Poti, though any observer can see the checkpoints
Russian troops continue to operate there and throughout the country. He
also claimed that U.S. ships that have been delivering humanitarian
supplies were delivering weapons, a statement quickly dismissed as
ludicrous by the White House.

The gross misstatements were accompanied by the assertion of a
breathtakingly belligerent doctrine toward Russia's neighbors. Mr.
Medvedev was asked by more than one journalist whether Russia's
aggression might be directed at other neighboring states, such as
Ukraine, Moldova or the Baltic members of NATO. He answered by noting
that millions of Russians live outside the country, and he asserted the
right as "commander in chief" to "protect the lives and dignity of our
citizens." He stated to the BBC: "In certain cases I have no choice but
to take these kinds of actions."

Those in the West who persist in blaming Georgia or the Bush
administration for the present crisis ought to carefully consider those
words -- and remember the history in Europe of regimes that have made
similar claims. This is the rhetoric of an isolated, authoritarian
government drunk with the euphoria of a perceived victory and nursing
the delusion of a restored empire. It is convinced that the West is too
weak and divided to respond with more than words. If nothing is done to
restrain it, it will never release Georgia -- and it will not stop
there.

http://www.washingtonpost.com <javascript:void(0)> 

 

 

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